Map of colonial New England. Source: http://www.torontopubliclibrary.ca/detail.jsp?Entt=RDMDC-912-74J24&R=DC-912-74J24 |
by Cameron Morkal-Williams
A common explanation of racism’s origins points to
enslavement of Africans in the Americas. While this played a large role in
building intertwined systems of race and social class, the picture is much
wider and more complex. Racism existed before slavery and continued to exist
and adapt long after, right up to the present day. The nineteenth-century
Northern states, especially New England and the Mid-Atlantic states, are a
vital site of study in this area.
From the beginning of British colonization, the New England
and Mid-Atlantic colonies were vastly different from Barbados and the southern
mainland colonies. While the latter developed plantation, cash crop-based
economies, the former found success in trading, small farms, and eventually
industry. Higher demand for labor and terrible labor conditions, along with
prejudice against dark-skinned people, informed colonists’ decisions to enslave
large numbers of Africans. In the northern mainland colonies, racism was
definitely present and encouraged colonists’ enslavement of Africans, but the
economic differences meant that enslaved Africans remained a small portion of
the labor pool and general population (Soderlund, 2000). Their relatively small
numbers translated to lower chance of successful rebellion, so white northern
colonists did not enact such strict regulations as in Barbados and the South.
Less harsh slavery, however, did not result in a less
racially stratified or violent society during or after gradual emancipation. The
antebellum period in the North saw the rise of the abolitionist movement,
respectability politics, and significant racial upheaval. As many free
African-Americans and white abolitionists were emphasizing bootstraps-style
“uplift” of self and community, white Northerners became irresponsibly insecure
about race and turned violent. James Brewer Stewart describes the cultural
context of the era and the violence, both physical and social, against
African-Americans in the North (1998). Politicians passed laws and spread
propaganda to limit Black rights, while common white people often formed mobs
and attacked or lynched African-American individuals and communities.
A more visible form of cultural violence was blackface
minstrelsy, in which performers--originally white, eventually of any
race--depicted negative stereotypes about African-Americans for white audiences’
amusement. Minstrelsy reached its prime in the nineteenth century, but
continued to be fairly popular until the middle of the twentieth and has had an
effect reaching to the present day. Some media stereotypes about Black people
can be seen in this video and a more
detailed history of blackface minstrelsy is available here. Eric Lott asserted that white people’s inclination toward minstrelsy
came from a combination of insecurity and preoccupation with Black (male)
bodies (1992); I would add a sense of entitlement to the mix.
Legislative, cultural, and social violence all served to reinforce
racial lines between white and Black after their main support--slavery--was
removed. Clear racial distinctions were needed for white people to maintain a system of racism; if a society is going to discriminate against one group and privilege another, all involved must understand what distinguishes the groups from each other. We see today that these divisions were as effective as they were detrimental because we are still fighting them.
Works Cited
Lott, Eric (1992). Love and theft: the racial unconscious of
blackface minstrelsy. Representations,
39, 23-50. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2928593.
Soderlund, Jean R. (2000). Creating a biracial society,
1619-1720. In William R. Scott & William G. Shade (Eds.), Upon these shores: themes in the
African-American experience, 1600 to the present (pp. 63-82). New York and
London: Routledge.
Stewart, James Brewer (1998). The emergence of racial
modernity and the rise of the white north, 1790-1840. Journal of the Early Republic, 18 (2), 181-217. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3124888.
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